The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most powerful holders of that office in American history. Whereas countless second-in-commands had to settle for marginal or ceremonial roles, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "true president".
Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the relationship was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently addressing him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a wide array of administrative determinations.
A Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, causing him to be intent on revenge. Together with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the waterboarding of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It represented the right thing to do then. I believed it then and I believe it presently."
However during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, lying, unfitness, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had composed a document setting out circumstances in which American interests might be compromised (encompassing "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be postured to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been behind a conspiracy to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's face that all visitors had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating invading Iraq, repeatedly quoting intelligence reports that were either weak or entirely misleading. He supported what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and create initiatives to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? It's a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the presidency. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
